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What do you think of Indonesia ideology, Pancasila?

I agree with Lilian Darmono"s point that "Pancasila is now a collection of empty words." The so called Indonesian state ideology is basically not an ideology at all, or at least not a well-defined one. The meaning of Pancasila evolves over time. In 1945 when it was first discussed by our founding fathers (during BPUPKI meetings), the formulation of its five principles was meant to be some kind of a gentlemen"s agreement among Nationalist, Islamist, and socialist elements of the independence movement. It is too far fetched to think that Pancasila is purely and originally Indonesian because in fact it receives considerable influence from Sun Yat Sen"s San Min Chu-i, Franco-German socio-legal philosophy (of Leon Duguit and Hegel: organic statism), Otto Bauer/Austro Marxism, Islamism, and Javanese traditional philosophy. We can see those ideas were coming from the educational backgrounds of our founding fathers. Some of them were educated in Holland (mainly Leiden and Rotterdam);some were graduates of local universities in Jakarta, Bandung, and Surabaya which were also Dutch colonial establishments but more indigenous in their intellectual traditions; some were trained in Middle Eastern countries (such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia); and a handful of them were self-educated. This gave Pancasila its very synchretic overtones, sounding like a combination between occidental and oriental ideas as well as individual and communitarian values. It was essentially a statement of political consensus rather than an ideology.

Post independence in 1960s Soekarno attempted to redefine it as a single unifying nation building program according to his own interpretation of Nationalism, Religion, and Communism (Nasakom) and Manipol Usdek. Soekarno"s policy created polarization of political movements into those three streams of ideology that counterbalanced each other, which he seemed to think could form an equilibrium. However, the reality of Soekarno"s Old Order ideological politics actually favored the Leftist over the others and in turn made Pancasila to be understood as Indonesian style of Marxism.

After the fall of Soekarno, a new regime led by Soeharto rose to power. Given his army background Soeharto was more keen to follow the corporatist path. Pancasila was formalized as the only state ideology and Indonesia became a "negara gotong royong" (mutual self-help state). The society was treated as an organ of the state directed under a military dominated government to materialize the "noble goals" of national development. The New Order was the only regime which provided a clear and systematic guidance on the definition and application of Pancasila through education and other forms of indoctrination. Freedom of speech was restricted and political oppositions were suppressed but in exchange of stabilty and rapid economic growth. During that era Pancasila was used to legitimize Indonesian style of organicism and statism.

Nowadays, under a regime that prides itself as "reformist", Pancasila has been redefined again. Sometimes it is used to represent pluralism, while at some other times Pancasila could mean secularism and liberalism. If someone wants to take a closer look on how it is currently defined, he or she can read the new version of State Constitution 1945, which has been ammended four times since 1998. By reading the constitution every able-minded person may recognize that Pancasila"s new interpretation is now very close to American-style of liberalism. Dominant views constantly propagated by the media, academicians, and government officials clearly reflect this. Even worse, most of contemporary Indonesian academicians refuse to accept any single definition and interpretation of Pancasila. They want it to be an "open ideology" which I personally think as ideosyncratic, anti-ideological, and odd. Why? Because when something means "everything" it definitely means "nothing" at all. There would be no restiction on its definition so the communists, the Islamists, the Liberals, the Nationalists, or whatever group can make their own interpretation of Pancasila. Indonesia has a very weak ideological resilience nowadays. And In the end we will ask ourselves again: what is exactly Pancasila?

Maybe nothing.


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Ketua Umum Partai Keadilan & Persatuan Indonesia – AM HendropriyonoObsession News | Berita Analisis, Terpercaya | Obsession News

Ketua Umum Partai Keadilan & Persatuan Indonesia – AM Hendropriyono

* AM Hendropriyono.

Mendapat gelar ‘Bapak Intelijen Indonesia’, Hendro tentu memiliki pengaruh yang kuat di bidang intelijen negeri ini. Hendro pun dikukuhkan sebagai guru besar di bidang ilmu intelijen dari Sekolah Tinggi Intelijen Negara (STIN). Ia menjadi satu-satunya dan pertama di dunia yang menjadi Guru Besar Intelijen. Atas gelar ini, ia tercatat masuk dalam Museum Rekor Indonesia (MURI).


Jenderal TNI (Purn) Prof. Dr. Abdullah Makhmud Hendropriyono mendukung penuh keputusan pemerintah dalam membubarkan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) karena meyakini betul jika HTI membahayakan NKRI. Dukungan penuh pada langkah pemerintah bukan kali ini saja. Sebelum itu, deklarasi dukungan Hendro kepada pemerintah terucap saat Hari Ulang Tahun ke-18 PKPI, awal tahun ini. Ketika itu, dalam pidatonya, Hendro menegaskan untuk mendukung pemerintahan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla dan selalu berada di benteng terdepan dalam menjamin stabilitas pemerintahan negara RI.

Jauh sebelum itu, tak lama setelah terpilih dalam Pilpres 2014, Joko Widodo mengangkat Hendro sebagai penasihat tim transisi Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla. Presiden pilihan rakyat untuk periode 2014-2019 itu memiliki argument kuat di balik pengangkatan jenderal bintang empat tersebut, salah satunya karena Hendro memiliki pengetahuan luas soal intelijen.

Menyoal Hendro dan intelijen, memang seperti membincang dua sisi mata uang. Satu sama lain saling terkait dan saling melengkapi. Tak lengkap rasanya jika menyoal Hendropriyono semata tanpa rekam jejaknya di bidang intelijen. Sebaliknya, membedah dunia ‘telik sandi’ tak tuntas jika tak menyinggung sosok Hendropriyono.

Ya, gelar ‘Bapak Intelejen Indonesia’ sudah sangat kuat melekat pada lelaki gagah kelahiran Yogyakarta, 7 Mei 1945 tersebut. Rekam jejaknya di dunia intelijen menorehkan gemilang yang sulit ditandingi sosok manapun di negeri ini. Ia menjadi tokoh utama di balik berdirinya Sekolah Tinggi Intelijen Negara (STIN) Sentul-Bogor. Tepatnya, STIN didirikan saat Hendropriyono menjabat sebagai Kepala Badan Intelijen Negara RI (BIN) pada
2001-2004.

Presiden Jokowi pantas bangga kepada Hendro. Nyatanya, pengetahuan Hendro di bidang intelijen dan militer benar-benar telah teruji. Secara akademis, Hendro belajar ilmu militer dari beragam sekolah. Usai menuntaskan pendidikannya di Akademi Militer Nasional (AMN) di Magelang pada l1967 dan Australian Intelligence Course di Woodside pada 1971, Hendro pun melanjutkan sekolah di United States Army General Staff College di Fort Leavenworth, Amerika Serikat pada 1980.

Pengetahuan dan skill Hendro ternyata tak melulu di bidang militer dan intelijen. Mantan Pangdam Jaya (1993-1994) ini juga gemar sekolah di perguruan tinggi umum. Lulusan terbaik Sekolah Staf dan Komando (Sesko) ABRI pada 1989 ini tercatat memiliki banyak gelar sarjana. Di antaranya sarjana dalam bidang administrasi dari Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi Negara (STIA-LAN), Sarjana Hukum dari Sekolah Tinggi Hukum Militer (STHM), Sarjana Ekonomi dari Universitas Terbuka (UT) Jakarta, dan Sarjana Teknik Industri dari Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani (Unjani), Bandung.

Ia juga meraih gelar magister administrasi niaga dari University of the City of Manila, Filipina, mendapat gelar magister di bidang hukum dari STHM dan pada bulan Juli 2009 dan meraih gelar doktor filsafat di Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM) Yogyakarta dengan predikat Cum Laude. (Imam)


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Capres-Cawapres dan Pimpinan Parpol Deklarasi Kampanye Tanpa Hoax dan Politisasi SARA

Jakarta, INDONEWS.ID - Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Calon Wakil Presiden nomor 01, Joko Widodo dan KH. Ma’ruf Amin, dan nomor 02 Prabowo Subianto – Sandiaga Uno bersama pimpinan partai-partai politik (Parpol) peseta Pemiliham Umum (Pemilu), Minggu (23/9) pagi, di kawasan Monumen Nasional (Monas) Jakarta, menyampaikan Deklarasi Kampanye Damai Pemilu Serentak 2019.


Deklarasi yang dipimpin oleh Ketua Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) Arief Budiman dan Ketua Badan Pengawas Pemilu (Bawaslu) Abhan itu ditandai dengan pembacaan naskah deklarasi, dilanjutkan dengan pelepasan burung merpati, dan penandatanganan naskah Deklarasi Kampanye Damai Pemilu Serentak 2019.


Kampanye mengambil tema “Deklarasi Kampanye Damai Tanpa Hoax dan SARA demi Pemilu Berintegritas Menuju Negara Kuat”.


Dalam kesempatan itu, pasangan Capres-Cawapres, pimpinan Parpol, dan calon anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD) DKI yang hadir mendeklarasikan untuk mewujudkan Pemilihan Umum yang langsung, umum, bebas, rahasia, jujur, dan adil.


“Melaksanakan kampanye pemilu yang aman, tertib, damai, beritegritas, tapa hoax, politisasi SARA, dan politik uang,” tegas para Capres-Cawapres, pimpinan partai politik, dan calon anggota DPD DKI Jakarta itu.


Mereka juga mendeklarasaikan untuk melaksanakan kampanye berdasaran peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku.


Baik pasangan Calon Presiden-Wakil Presiden maupun pimpinan partai politik dan calon anggota DPD DKI Jakarta yang hadir dalam delarasi tersebut datang dengan menggunakan pakaian adat.


Joko Widodo datang dengan menggunakan pakaian adat Bali, sementara KH. Ma’ruf Amin menggunakan sarung yang dilipat di celananya. Prabowo Subianto menggunakan pakaian adat Jawa, sementara Sandiaga Uno menggunakan pakaian adat Melayu. Adapun Ketua Umum DPP PPP Romahurmuzy bahkan menggunakan pakaian model tokoh pewayangan Gatot Kaca. (Very)



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Hashim Djojohadikusumo: Jokowi Have To Pay a Price | GIV

HashimDjojohadikusumo_forbesHashim Djojohadikusumo (Photo source: Forbes).


Jakarta. Hashim Djojohadikusumo, brother of Prabowo Subianto had stated that President-elect Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo will have to pay for his betrayal (7 Oct 2014).


“There is a price to be paid,” said Hashim, who also serves as the Vice Chair of the Gerindra Party Advisory Board. He was referring to Jokowi’s decision to run as a presidential candidate, directly competing against Prabowo Subianto. Prabowo is claimed to be one of the persons who had contributed in elevating Jokowi’s political career when the latter was running for the Jakarta governor post.


According to Hashim, Jokowi’s decision is a form of personal betrayal.


“There was an understanding and we feel that he didn’t live up to that understanding, not only implicit but explicit,” said Hashim as quoted by The Wall Street Journal.


It is believed that the heavy price that will have to be paid by Jokowi is through the Red-White Coalition of Parties, which will act as an active and constructive opposition in the next five years.


Hashim also said that the opposition will not take an “antagonistic”position, but predicts a situation like that in the United States where the coalition often blocks the president’s program.



News source: Kompas.com



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Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (disingkat PSI) adalah partai politik di Indonesia yang baru didirikan pasca Pemilu tahun 2014. Partai ini diketuai oleh mantan presenter berita Grace Natalie. Partai ini cenderung mengambil target partisipan kalangan anak muda, perempuan dan lintas agama. Tokoh-tokoh partai ini banyak mengajak warga negara muda untuk berpartisipasi aktif dalam kegiatan politik. Sebagai contoh adalah dalam perayaan HUT Republik Indonesia yang ke-70 (pada Agustus 2015) dan Pemilu Kepala Daerah serentak (pada Desember 2015). Tokoh-tokoh partai ini menggunakan media sosial Twitter dan Facebook secara aktif untuk mengajak warga muda dalam berpartisipasi dalam kegiatan politik. Sebagai contoh adalah dengan menciptakan hash tag pada jejaring sosial seperti #Merdeka100Persen saat HUT RI ke 70 dan #KepoinPilkada saat Pilkada serentak pada Desember 2015 yang lalu.


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Pancasila, pluralism and election: Lessons from Istiqlal - Opinion

Growing up in Indonesia, I attended one of the most prestigious Islamic schools in Greater Jakarta. In kindergarten, I won a contest in reciting a verse from the Quran. I was also the student who got into trouble for having parents who brought doughnuts decorated with candles for her birthday celebration at school.


Candles, my teacher said, were “a Christian custom.”


It was the early 2000s. Despite my Islam-leaning education, I grew up in a multi-faith community. My closest friends in the neighborhood were of diverse Christian faiths and my American uncle is an Irish Catholic. I did not know what all the fuss was about. I simply wanted to celebrate my birthday with friends. As far as I was concerned, candles were a universally-accepted way of celebrating another year of life.


Later I realized that what I had experienced while I was only five years old was among the early signs of the decline in our state ideology Pancasila, from which we have learnt respect for diversity. Such signs peaked into events leading to the imprisonment of former Jakarta governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama for blasphemy following his loss in last year’s Jakarta’s gubernatorial race, widely recognized by the international community as a major setback to Indonesia’s democracy.


As Indonesia prepares for the upcoming 2019 presidential and legislative elections, let’s all remember one of Indonesia’s most important monuments: the Istiqlal Mosque in the heart of the capital, a symbol of first president Sukarno’s wish for a burgeoning democracy back in the 1950s.


Despite Indonesia’s historical ties with Islam, it did not declare itself as an Islamic state upon independence from Dutch colonial rule in 1945 — Sukarno chose Pancasila as the new nation’s ideological and philosophical foundation. The mosque was named “Istiqlal,” an Arabic word meaning “independence,” not only as a place of worship but more importantly to commemorate the nation’s freedom.


To reflect his vision of a multi-faith nation based on the archipelago’s diversity, Sukarno deliberately chose to build the mosque near the Jakarta Cathedral to symbolize religious harmony. Both national houses of worship are located in the Merdeka Square area, which symbolizes freedom or independence. In addition, the mosque was designed by Frederich Silaban, a Christian architect of Batak ethnic group in North Sumatra.


To mainstream Muslims, the mosque stands as a symbol of their faith and of Pancasila. The mosque has seven entrances, seven being a divine number in the Abrahamic religions: Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. While it is first and foremost a house of worship for Muslims, its location across the Cathedral symbolizes religious harmony. During Christmas mass, the mosque’s parking lot is used by the Cathedral’s congregation, and vice-versa during Idul Fitri prayers.


In Pancasila, all five pillars conform to the fundamental teachings of Islam: faith in God, humanity, unity, democracy and social justice. Further, Pancasila embraces diversity and plurality of ethnicity, culture, and faith. Evidently the mosque was built not just for Muslims, but for all Indonesians. That the mosque was commissioned by a president who desired to blend the faiths and philosophies of the nation as a new republic was a commitment worthy of note.


While the Istiqlal stands as a symbol of religious plurality and Pancasila, Indonesia still needs much practice as a nation to live up to the message behind the mosque.


Clearly candidates for the April elections have not ignored the events of 2017. President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo chose as his running mate Ma’ruf Amin, then leader of the largest Islamic organization Nahdlatul Ulama and leader of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) who signed the fatwa on Ahok’s blasphemy of a Quranic verse.


Despite NU’s generally moderate outlook, Ma’ruf was infamous for his relatively hardline and controversial views against religious and gender minorities including gays.


By picking Ma’ruf, Jokowi is setting the stage for potentially more inflammatory sentiments against minorities, weakening his commitment to religious plurality and thus Pancasila.


Meanwhile his rival Prabowo Subianto and his allies have reportedly linked up with Islamist groups who earlier mobilized against Ahok. His conservative Muslim base gets his message that he will protect their interests; his vice-presidential pick in Sandiaga Uno is also detrimental to Indonesia’s democratic development. Sandi, as he is called, is well known as one of Indonesia’s richest politicians with little political experience, despite being former Jakarta deputy governor. How would the duo protect the rights of religious minorities?


At its current state, Indonesia’s 2019 presidential race already shows a significant rollback of democratic values. However, there is still hope.


Two weeks before I flew to Jakarta from Washington for my first winter holiday in Indonesia, I saw a former classmate who now wears a hijab, singing in a Christmas concert as part of a multi-faith university choir. I saw multiple friends in Jakarta in ugly Christmas sweater parties. When I arrived in Jakarta, “It’s Beginning to Look a Lot Like Christmas” was playing on the radio, as we drove away from Soekarno-Hatta International Airport to streets lined with Christmas lights and decorations.


This was not the Jakarta I knew in the early 2000s. This is the Jakarta that president Sukarno had envisioned through Pancasila. We ought to remember his wishes as symbolized in the Istiqlal Mosque built across the Cathedral — those of us who are part of the Muslim majority standing in front of and alongside our brothers and sisters in the margins who express their faiths differently. As the elections loom closer, as moderate Muslims in a secular nation it is our duty to protect the rights of the religious minorities and ensure a democratic Indonesia.


***


The writer is an Indonesian-American master’s in international affairs scholar at the George Washington University in Washington, DC. She studies United States’ foreign policy and international law, focusing on Southeast Asia. She works at the US House of Representatives and is a fellow at Mothership Strategies, a progressive digital agency in DC.


Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official stance of The Jakarta Post.






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Hari Ini, KPU Tetapkan Format dan Mekanisme Debat Capres yang Baru

Kerincitime.co.id, Berita Jakarat – Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) melakukan evaluasi terkait debat perdana capres dalam pemilu 2019. KPU memutuskan akan memperbarui format dan mekanisme debat selanjutnya.

“Kita akan evalusi sedemikian rupa, sehingga Insyallah Senin kita bisa dapat format dan mekanisme yang lebih baik,” ujar komisioner KPU Wahyu Setiawan saat dihubungi Minggu (20/1/2019) malam.

Dilansir detik.com Wahyu mengatakan format dan mekanisme debat nantinya akan dibuat agar paslon dapat lebih mengeksplorasi gagasan. Selain itu, diharapkan paslon juga dapat lebih menuangkan ide dan sikap terhadap tema yang diberikan.

“Formatnya tentu saja lebih memungkinkan untuk dilakukan eksplorasi gagasan, pemikiran, ide-ide, sikap dari kandidat mengenai tema. Detailnya tentu saja secara resmi akan disampaikan oleh ketua KPU,” tutur Wahyu.

Menurutnya, evaluasi dilakukan tidak hanya pada lingkup internal KPU. Tetapi juga akan dilakukan bersama pihak terkait seperti televisi penyelenggara hingga aparat kemanan, nantinya evaluasi ini diagendakan akan berlangsung pada Senin (21/1).

“Kalau evaluasi itukan ada dua cara kita, pertama evaluasi yang dilakukan secara internal KPU kemudian evaluasi dengan para pihak, meliputi televisi penyelenggara, kemudian pihak hotel, aparat keamanan itu juga akan kita lakukan,” kata Wahyu.

“Sudah kita lakukan evaluasi internal kita, dalam evaluasi internal kita kita memutuskan akan memperbaharui format dan mekanisme kita. Evaluasi dengan pihak terkait akan dilakukan Senin,” sambungnya.

KPU juga memutuskan tidak lagi memberikan abstraksi alias kisi-kisi materi pertanyaan debat capres ke pasangan calon. Tujuan penghapusan kisi-kisi ke paslon sebelum debat, agar capres cawapres bisa tampil dengan performa terbaik.

“Salah satu evaluasi, kita rekomendasikan untuk debat berikutnya, abstraksi soal yang dibuat panelis tidak diberitahukan kepada paslon,” ujar Wahyu (19/1).


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Visi dan Misi Partai Golkar


VISI




Sejalan dengan cita-cita para bapak pendiri negara (the founding fathers)
kita bahwa tujuan kita bernegara adalah melindungi segenap tumpah darah
Indonesia, mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa, mewujudan keadilan sosial
bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia dan ikut menciptakan perdamaian dunia,
maka Partai GOLKAR sebagai pengemban cita-cita Proklamasi menegaskan
visi perjuangannya untuk menyertai perjalanan bangsa mencapai
cita-citanya.




Partai GOLKAR berjuang demi terwujudnya
Indonesia baru yang maju, modern, bersatu, damai, adil dan makmur dengan
masyarakat yang beriman dan bertaqwa, berahlak baik, menjunjung tinggi
hak asasi manusia, cinta tanah air, demokratis, dan adil dalam tatanan
masyarakat madani yang mandiri, terbuka, egaliter, berkesadaran hukum
dan lingkungan, menguasai ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi, memiliki etos
kerja dan semangat kekaryaan, serta disiplin yang tinggi.




Dengan visi ini maka Partai GOLKAR
hendak mewujudkan kehidupan politik nasional yang demokratis melalui
pelaksanaan agenda-agenda reformasi politik yang diarahkan untuk
melakukan serangkaian koreksi terencana, melembaga dan berkesinambungan
terhadap seluruh bidang kehidupan. Reformasi pada sejatinya adalah upaya
untuk menata kembali sistim kenegaraan kita disemua bidang agar kita
dapat bangkit kembali dalam suasana yang lebih terbuka dan demokratis.
Bagi Partai GOLKAR upaya mewujudkan kehidupan politik yang demokratis
yang bertumpu pada kedaulatan rakyat adalah cita-cita sejak
kelahirannya.




MISI




Dalam rangka mengaktualisasikan doktrin
dan mewujudkan visi tersebut Partai GOLKAR dengan ini menegaskan misi
perjuangannya, yakni: menegakkan, mengamalkan, dan mempertahankan
Pancasila sebagai dasar Negara dan idiologi bangsa demi untuk
memperkokoh Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia; dan mewujudkan cita-cita
Proklamasi melalui pelaksanaan pembangunan nasional di segala bidang
untuk mewujudkan masyarakat yang demokratis, menegakkan supremasi hukum,
mewujudkan kesejahteraan rakyat, dan hak-hak asasi manusia.




Dalam rangka membawa misi mulia tersebut Partai GOLKAR melaksanakan fungsi-fungsi sebagai sebuah partai politik modern, yaitu :




  1. mempertegas komitmen
    untuk menyerap, memadukan, mengartikulasikan, dan memperjuangkan
    aspirasi serta kepentingan rakyat sehingga menjadi kebijakan politik
    yang bersifat publik.

  2. melakukan rekruitmen
    kader-kader yang berkualitas melalui sistem prestasi (merit system)
    untuk dapat dipilih oleh rakyat menduduki posisi-posisi politik atau
    jabatan-jabatan publik. Dengan posisi atau jabatan politik ini maka para
    kader dapat mengontrol atau mempengaruhi jalannya pemerintahan untuk
    diabdikan sepenuhnya bagi kepentingan dan kesejahteraan rakyat.


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Love Bug Living: DIY Giant Jenga Game


The weather is getting warm and it"s time to start enjoying the great outdoors, even if it"s just in your own backyard. School is almost out and I"m looking forward to relaxing summer nights and backyard barbecues with friends. A party wouldn"t be complete if you didn"t have some fun games to play. What could be more fun that an outdoor game of Giant Jenga?!



This isn"t a tough game to make yourself. All you need are some 2x4"s, a chop saw, and a sander. A Jenga game has 54 game pieces. We bought 8 2x4 pieces that were 8 foot long. Try and pick out clean pieces that don"t have too many knots or holes. Cut each piece into 10.5 inch pieces. This should give you 7 game pieces per piece of wood. You"ll have 2 extra pieces in case of mistakes or bad knots.



After you"ve cut all your pieces, now you can sand the cut edges of each of them. This can be kind of time consuming, but well worth it to make your pieces look nice. It also makes your pieces slide a bit better as well. You can also stain or paint each piece as well. We chose to keep our game pieces natural, but I added a little stamp on the end of each game block, just to add some personality.



Now it"s time to play! Invite some friends over, stack your pieces, and watch your toes when the pile starts to tumble!




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